Frozen orange juice futures trading places

The year-old-film, which is centered on insider trading and the culture of poverty, fits into the economic conversations America is having today.

There are no carolers or large family gatherings. But the trappings of a great holiday movie are there: It does, in fact, take place around the holidays, include a company Christmas party that features a drunk and disgruntled Santa Claus, and focus on themes of generosity or lack thereof and redemption. The comedy stars Dan Aykroyd as Louis Winthorpe III, a wealthy managing director at a Philadelphia commodities-trading firm, and Eddie Murphy as Billy Ray Valentine, a beggar. The premise of the bet is that if they elevate Valentine from poverty, giving him all the things that Winthorpe has money, a job, a network, and social status —he will soon begin to act like a wealthy, entitled, successful elite.

A Savvy Trader Asks Himself These Questions First | Economy and Markets

On the other hand, they wager, if they take away all that Winthorpe has, he will turn into a homeless, jobless, thieving degenerate.

Below, Atlantic editors Gillian White and Bourree Lam talk about the film and its relevance three decades later. The opening montage is a long stretch of scenes that jump from the swanky home of Winthorpe to iconic Philadelphia landmarks to impoverished neighborhoods and homeless people.

The point is, of course, to set the scene for the movie. But it also serves to prime the viewer to note that extreme wealth and excess and disturbing, abject poverty often exist within mere footsteps of each other in American cities.

But what I thought was interesting is the choice to demonstrate the stark contrast: Winthorpe wakes up Gossip Girl- style with a butler and breakfast in bed, a scene that comes directly after a glimpse of a homeless man sleeping on the street. Especially in post-Great Recession times, inequality in America is one of the most contentious issues in the country.

Trading Places: How Winthorpe and Valentine Pulled It Off

I think the kind of contrast shown on screen in Trading Places would make us very uncomfortable now. What felt enduring in some ways, albeit a bit extreme, were the professional aspects of the film.

The Dukes are in the commodities business, which compared to the sectors portrayed in movies like The Big Short , The Wolf of Wall Street , and the original Wall Street , can seem kind of lame? I loved that scene too! I liked that the things the Dukes chose to use in their explainer to Valentine are real items on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange: That was pretty offensive.

But the opposite is perhaps equally as bad: The idea that money was the cure to all the issues inherent to a lifetime of poverty or that all people, divested of their money and status would become violent criminals was, yet again, gross. It was all made worse that the bet was essentially just for bragging rights, showing how little the Dukes value human life.

But luckily it all felt pretty fantastical, and so did the solution when Winthorpe and Valentine find out that they are both being played by the Dukes.

Trading Places Frozen Concentrated Orange Juice Trade Explained - Business Insider

Winthorpe and Valentine learn that the Dukes were going to get the inside scoop on the orange juice contracts—the Dukes already bribed the person tasked with keeping the Department of Agriculture report about how orange crops were doing to give them the report a full day before it was released publicly.

This allowed them to engage in a bit of insider trading and make a mint. Once those contracts are set, Winthorpe and Valentine wait for the price to bottom out after the crop report comes out saying that oranges are doing just fine.

That final scene made me a little nostalgic, as the commodities-trading pits at the Chicago Mercantile Exchange closed this past July. The CME pits in both Chicago and New York are no more, as computers have automated commodities futures trading. But I agree, just seeing the trading pits in action is one of the most fascinating parts of the movie, remembering that there was a time not so long ago when all of these high-level trades were made by people essentially running around a room, yelling at each other and gesticulating wildly.

In , the movie was mentioned by Gary Gensler, the chief of the U. Commodity Futures Trading Commission, in a testimony to Congress. Section of Dodd-Frank is lovingly referred to as the Eddie Murphy Rule by industry watchers, in honor of Trading Places. To understand how the standoff between Pyongyang and the world became so dire, it helps to go back to the country's founding. ATLANTA—Around midnight, hours after their candidate conceded he had lost the Most Important Special Election in History, the last remaining supporters of Jon Ossoff took over the stage where he had recently stood.

One of them waved a bottle of vodka in the air. Together, they took up the time-honored leftist chant: But after a frenzied two-month runoff campaign between Ossoff and his Republican opponent, Karen Handel, the Democrat wound up with about the same proportion of the vote—48 percent—as Hillary Clinton got here in November. If this race was a referendum on Trump, the president won it.

Castile was licensed to carry a gun. He carefully informed Officer Jeronimo Yanez—exceeding his legal requirements under Minnesota law, though following the advice some gun-rights advocates offer for concealed carriers when stopped by police. And yet Yanez almost instantly shot him. That aspect made the case a central focus not just for Black Lives Matter activists, but for some gun owners, too. Even setting aside the questionable grounds under which Yanez had pulled Castile over a malfunctioning taillight is a classic pretextual stop police use to question black drivers , Castile had done everything right.

If the party cares about winning, it needs to learn how to appeal to the white working class. The strategy was simple. A demographic wave—long-building, still-building—would carry the party to victory, and liberalism to generational advantage. The wave was inevitable, unstoppable. It would not crest for many years, and in the meantime, there would be losses—losses in the midterms and in special elections; in statehouses and in districts and counties and municipalities outside major cities.

Losses in places and elections where the white vote was especially strong. But the presidency could offset these losses. Every four years the wave would swell, receding again thereafter but coming back in the next presidential cycle, higher, higher.

The presidency was everything. With the powers in Pyongyang working doggedly toward making this possible—building an ICBM and shrinking a nuke to fit on it—analysts now predict that Kim Jong Un will have the capability before Donald Trump completes one four-year term.

Though given to reckless oaths, Trump is not in this case saying anything that departs significantly from the past half century of futile American policy toward North Korea.

Preventing the Kim dynasty from having a nuclear device was an American priority long before Pyongyang exploded its first nuke, in , during the administration of George W. The Kim regime detonated four more while Barack Obama was in the White House. In the more than four decades since Richard Nixon held office, the U. The Republican triumph in an affluent, educated Georgia congressional district showed GOP voters standing by their president.

Notwithstanding national polls suggesting about 39 percent approval for the Republican president, a more-or-less standard-issue Republican candidate won by about 4 percentage points in exactly the kind of affluent, educated district supposedly most at risk in the Trump era.

But a big win is not the same thing as good news. The special elections of May and June offered Republicans a last chance for a course correction before the election cycle starts in earnest. A loss in Georgia would have sent a message of caution.

The victory discredits that argument, and empowers those who want Trumpism without restraint, starting with the president himself. The myth, which liberals like myself find tempting, is that only the right has changed. In June , we tell ourselves, Donald Trump rode down his golden escalator and pretty soon nativism, long a feature of conservative politics, had engulfed it.

If the right has grown more nationalistic, the left has grown less so. A decade ago, liberals publicly questioned immigration in ways that would shock many progressives today. Listen to the audio version of this article: Download the Audm app for your iPhone to listen to more titles. Over time, leaders lose mental capacities—most notably for reading other people—that were essential to their rise. If power were a prescription drug, it would come with a long list of known side effects.

But can it cause brain damage? When various lawmakers lit into John Stumpf at a congressional hearing last fall, each seemed to find a fresh way to flay the now-former CEO of Wells Fargo for failing to stop some 5, employees from setting up phony accounts for customers. Nor did he seem defiant or smug or even insincere. He looked disoriented, like a jet-lagged space traveler just arrived from Planet Stumpf, where deference to him is a natural law and 5, a commendably small number.

Summertime in Washington, D. There are swampy heatwaves in a region where the standard dress-code includes a blazer. And a metro that always seems to be catching fire. The squirrel leaped onto his chest, then quickly bounded off onto a nearby tree. They accounted for 86 percent of rodent-transmitted rabies cases reported to the CDC over a year period ending in the s. You probably know this, but just in case: A new book points to the importance of strong conservative parties—and warns about the consequences when they fall short.

Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy is written in fire. It delves deep into long-forgotten electoral histories to emerge with insights of Tocquevillian power, to illuminate not only the past but also the present and future. The non-rich always outnumber the rich. Democracy enables the many to outvote the few: If the few possess power and wealth, they may respond to this prospect by resisting democracy before it arrives—or sabotaging it afterward.

The quality and variety of food in the U. The business seems to be struggling. But in cities across the U. Humans aren't the only mammals who kill each other. So how do we stack up to lions, tigers, and bears?

Lacey Schwartz grew up in an upper-middle-class Jewish household, and never once questioned her whiteness—despite not looking like anyone in her family. Global News Notes Photo Video Events Writers Projects. Magazine Current issue All issues Manage subscription Subscribe.

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Most Popular Why Ossoff Lost Molly Ball 7: Franklin Foer Jun 20, How to Deal With North Korea Mark Bowden Jun 19, It's Trump's Party Now David Frum Latest Video How North Korea Became a Crisis To understand how the standoff between Pyongyang and the world became so dire, it helps to go back to the country's founding Daniel Lombroso , Jackie Lay , and Mark Bowden Jun 19, About the Authors Gillian B.

Trading Places - Wikipedia

White is a senior associate editor at The Atlantic. Bourree Lam is a former staff writer at The Atlantic. She was previously the editor of Freakonomics. Most Popular Presented by.

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